InterCom/QueerPhenomena

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version 0.1 (abstract) | 25/05/2006
version 0.2 (script) | 07/08/2006

presentation with all images of this paper (PDF, 1.7 MB)

"Queer" phaenomena

A critical discussion about current uses of "queer" as an urban image factor, as a label for homonormative ambitions and as a cultural modifier

Intro:

With our contribution we want to introduce three phaenomena of the current queer discourse within our context. Each of these phaenomena stands for a specific perception (and use) of queer issues. It is our aim to discuss these tendencies and to reflect on their impact on queer politics and practice. Today there are big differences on what is meant with »queer«, between theory and common life, between personal practice and community sense, between different cultural, social and ethnic contexts. While for some »queer« is a funky term of a new form of cultural expression, others understand it as a term for political empowerment, while in some places the CSD parades are more or less reduced to commercial festivals, in other places these marches for equality and tolerance are threatened by prejudice, active intolerance and even violence. Are there common goals and aims of queer politics? What are the perspectives beyond the differences?

Background: We see a need for a common and critical discussion about current phaenomena. To approach this issue, our contribution will be part of a two-track tour through Poland and Germany. Our first input was on the queer conference in Warsaw on wednesday. The second track will be held by people from warszawa in two stations in Germany, in Bremen and Hannover at the end of september. The aim of this second track will be to illustrate and discuss the current situation and issues of LGBTQ's in Poland. Both tracks are thus two different efforts to find a common approach on this discussion. They are organized by an informal network of LGBTQ activists from poland and germany.

(A short introduction of ourselves)

(Thanks)

What we mean with the term "queer":
About queer, reduced to our common denominator (you can spend terrific time in debating the question „What is queer?“)
In our conception, the idea "queer" covers more than the relations and experience of gender and sexuality. Queer can also be understood as a tactical, temporary coalition against unequal and unjust states of the society. That means to observe, to criticize and to change from a queer perspective the relations of power and oppression, the restraint of normalisation and heteronormativity as well as the repression as a result of politics and economy. But as important as to use the tools and tactics of queerness for political activism is the critical review on our own ways we think and act.

As examples of the current use of "queer" we want you to introduce three aspects in this context, afterwards we take a look on possible questions (and answers), that we would like to discuss with you.

Topics

1 Queer as an urban image factor

2 Queer as a label for homonormativity

3 Queer as a subcultural modifier

Outlook

Discussion


Queer as an urban image factor

queer as an urban image factor

since a few years the cities and their tourism offices, public relations and image campaigns have discovered gays and lesbians or rather the gay community as an image factor to promote themselves as urban, open-minded, cultural manifold places. beside culture, arts, creativity, tourism, nightlife as qualities of lifestyle the cities use images of queer cultures and queer life as an indication for diversity, tolerance and creativity. cities want to compete for attention in a globalized competition for capital investments. this comes with the aim to develop a high standard of living - which is associated with a sophisticated and diverse offer of culture and leisure activities. in this capitalistic logic the image campaigns aim at tourists who shall visit the city but also at the inhabitants who shall experience their place of residence as an attractive location to live and last but not least at the economy which shall be attracted to invest in a place that promises a content and high-qualified workforce.

what are the images of gays and lesbians that are established in this urban discourse? the development and discussions about the gay pride parades in germany in the last years illustrate the use of queer images for the urban image campaigns. the yearly parades – in germany named christopher street day - are an obvious part of the touristic event-calendars of the cities, still exotic and colorful but yet normal and usual. the slogans and ambitions of the parades illustrate an assimilation of the gay liberation to a current state of a social and political consensus in germany. gay marriage was a main topic of the christopher street days in the nineties and today after gay marriage is partly established in the german legal system the political claim is the right for adoption and the acceptance of rainbow families. the question is, who are the gays and lesbians that are able to bring up a child -- generally they are associated as white, well-off with a regular income and monogamous. the images that are used in these campaigns handle with traditional family values and finally confirm the heterosexual norm. the christopher street day pretends to be the representation for the whole lgbtiq-community. but finally the csd represents with his aims and political demands only the gay and lesbian community – and there’s also to question which gays and lesbians are represented - but doesn’t care about the fights for acceptance of transgender and intersex people and for any other otherness.

As we can see, a vivid urban queer scence can be understand as a positive factor for urban developement and marketing. new urban theories see a correlation between the gay community, creativity and the economy. the us-scientist richard florida analyzes in his bestseller „the rise of the creative class“ (2002) the growing role of creativity in the economy (and became very popular with his theses.)

more than thirty percent of the entire workforce in the united states are working in so-called creative industries what comprise people who work in science and engineering, architecture and design, education as well as in the arts, music and entertainment. florida calls them the creative class that marks an economic change and will effect the organization of work in future as well as the development of urban space as differentiated and diverse places of living. florida reasons that the businesses and industries are forced to move where the people want to live. to appoint the attractiveness and popularity of urban regions as places to live and work florida introduces the three terms „technology, talent and tolerance“ that are measured by some indices on which he build a city-ranking. on tolerance florida uses a „melting-pot-index“ and a „gay index“ which takes people living in households where partners in the household where of the same sex. the "gay index" becomes one decicive factor to appropriate diversity and tolerance. In this logic only cities with a tolerant climate for non-straight communities can reach a good »Creativity« ranking. Beside culture, arts, creativity, tourism and nightlife the images of gay cultures like the gay pride parades - as i mentioned it before - are used for a tolerant and open-minded image of the city. In this sense queer cultures contribute to an ideal of a creative city. But how affects the transformation and re-definition of the city into a corporate city onto the queer life in the city? The discovery of queer life as a location factor promises more importance and perception, but there's to question and to reflect which parts of queer life are appreciated and which are further marginalized and put under a taboo.

today the analysis and theories of florida are used as an instruction manual to reach economic prosperity. urban development and city management try to create an environment of diversity and creativity to foster the settlement of creative industries. this can be illustrated by the example of spokane, a small town in the us-state washington. after florida spoke there a few years ago, spokane civic leaders embraced many of his ideas and pushed hard to create a university district and several arts districts near downtown.

the Inland Northwest Business Alliance, an association of gay and gay-friendly businesses, is pushing the idea of a gay district with gay-oriented homes, businesses and nightlife. they argue with florida that a gay district would signal that spokane is tolerant and progressive. places such as san francisco, new york and seattle have the image as an cultural and ethnic diverse place including a large population of gays. places such as spokane generally do not. spokane and spokane region is about 90 percent white, not a good condition to reach a high diversity rank. assuming that the gay community is anywhere 5 – 10 % of a community, the Inland Northwest Business Alliance added the LGBTQ community to the people of color community to raise the diversity percentage to more than 15% of the community. because the largest ethnic group in spokane is less than 3 percent of the population, the LGBTQ community becomes the largest diversity group. in this logic the gay community of spokane is the only diversity group that could develop a specific district.

the Inland Northwest Business Alliance represents the idea of a gay district on the website letsgetvisible.com. visibility is an important keyword for the campaign. only a visible gay community can show a great amount of tolerance. the Inland Northwest Business Alliance constitutes the claim to create a gay neighborhood that will visualize the tolerance, diversity and creativity in spokane – at last it means that they will make their own business a good deal better. but the diversity in the logo is limited. we can recognize three men and three women in rainbow colors. they are clear readable as men and women by their secondary signs of gender – dress and suit, and readable as gays and lesbians by the rainbow colors which reference to the gay liberation. they are standing under something like a rainbow-colored roof or tent what probably should be a sign for the presence of gays and lesbians in the city but also for the protective hand of the city.

also in germany the theories of florida are discussed for urban development. the green party in hamburg has published a paper called creative city. it would be interesting to see how german politics will work with the theories and ideology of richard florida in the future.

and even then we will have to ask, which parts of queer life will be welcomed and which not, which parts of lesbian, gays, bisexuals, transgendered, intersexuals and queer and questioning people will have the chance to be part of an urban creative class? and there’s to ask who has the right to make the decicision who is taking part or not?

additions & sources: /UrbanImageFactor?


Queer as a label for homonormativity

the "initiative queer nations", founders and members of the board of trustees

The second part of our contribution gives an example of current gay and lesbian efforts to stablize and establish their position in Germany. One of these efforts is an initiative to establish a »Queer Nations« institute.

This initiative claims to build a central institution of research on homosexuality. Quote: "The aim of the association is to further study and research into the history and the sociology of homosexuality, along with public awareness for subject, in order to advance the equality of people of differing sexual orientations." (charter of the initiative) Supporters of this initiative are academics on social sciences, journalists, actors and other media VIP's.

The name of this institute has a strange double meaning -- Queer and Nations, the construction of a spatial and political entity. There have been different uses of the term "queer nation" before, a short comparision might be useful to approach its latest use.

(The transformation of a term and its visualisation)

The political movement queer nations in the US in the early 90s was a follow up of »act up« campaigns, which has been a reaction on the AIDS crisis and where people with diverse backgrounds took action against "ignorance and fear" in the society. Queer nation was a kind of continuation, but with a different focus on anti-gay and lesbian discrimination. It was organized in chapters in major US-cities, it used direct and media action in public space to fight against homophobia and hatespeech. One famous slogan was "We're here. We're queer. Get used to it." After a few years, these groups disappeared. Quoting a critique of these groups: (...) "they ultimately collapsed under the weight of their contradictions: 'queer', after all, means 'diversity', whereas 'nation' implies 'sameness'" (Susan Stryker)

In England and Australia, they are parties called "Queer Nation", with a mainly male gay audience

And the queer nations initiative in germany in 2006

Of course all three uses of this word are not linked directly to each other, it is more interesting how concepts and visualisation varies from one context to the other.

How the concept of the initiative "queer nations" can be assessed?

After the area of »Gay liberation« in the 70s, the fight against »ignorance and fear« during the upcoming of the AIDS pandemia in the 80s, and the gay marriage campaigns during the 90s, gay and lesbian mainstream activists in Germany seems to lack of further perspectives. While homo- and other sexual derived phobia, hatespeach and hatecrimes have not vanished in german society today, media and the mainstream discourse have accepted certain forms of gay and lesbian cultural presence. The protagonists of this presence endeavour to fortify their positions (external as accepted and tolerated parts of the society, internal as opinion leader), while they affirm common (mis-)interpretation of non-heterosexualities and while they exclude different concepts and understandings of beeing »non-straight«.

Critics of the initiative, like the "lesbian-feminist-queer academic network", reject a concept, which is based "on patriotic-nationalistic signs" and fixed on a "assimilative perspective of normalization and integration".

According to this crititque, the initiative "Queer Nations" seems to be an effort to normalize and establish gay and lesbian culture in the "heart" of german society, while exluding non-western and non-binary (non-hetero,non-homo) cultures, while excluding the claims of the not-mentioned. So such projects tend "to freeze social identities and to eliminate the claims of equality" (Brian Holmes).

We have to ask further questions: What are the intentions behind these efforts of normalization, of "homonormativitiy" (Lisa Duggan), and what consequences on the meaning of queer, the rights and awareness of other arouse from this?

Are resarches on history and sociology, are such "politics of identity and assimilation", as critics say (E. Stedefeldt), the final word of "gay" liberation? What could be different, open and further tracks of development, not based on assimilation but on differences, not based on consensus but on dissent?

additions & sources: /LabelForHomonormativity


Queer as a subcultural modifier

So we heard how queer visibility can be part of a creative, exclusive class and how concepts and visualisations vary from one context to the other. Our critique on the label queer and its signs are also concerned with representations of queer in subculture. My field of interest are the effects that queer signs produce when they are used in the transition to mainstream-contexts. Do these effects irritate, do they normalize or do they become any given meaning?

The following images will be used to illustrate how subcultural expressions of 'queer' carry a lifestyle that is increasingly established in music, in the arts, in films and in other fields of cultural production. (the next pictures are taken from the band 'Tempeau', a domestic, subcultural band from Hamburg, two different pictures are from live shows, and one is a studio photograph which is part of a promotional campaign)

one band, switching between two different cultural codes: crossdressing in 2005, playboy style in 2006

In several discussions, Thomas, Ulf and I turned to question how these images can be read. We assembled different aspects like 'very queer', 'erotic', 'playing with gender and sexuality', 'sexism' and 'extremely straight'. The force of the concept 'queer' seems to enable very different possibilities of meaning. The queer signs of crossdressing, as shown on the first picture and - more 'trashy' on the second picture offer different modes of reading. On the other hand the 'playboy-style' shown in the third picture (re)signs a heteronormative arrangement. This phenomenon can be described as a declining evolution of queer images: From the first picture on, we observe a revision of the concept queer, which finally seems to lead to a complete disappearance of the queer image in the third picture.

The different possibilities of reading an image depend on the context, its subtext, the space you stay in and the codes you know and work with. Sometimes only nuances, aroused by a slightly mismatched styling arrange the difference between a mainstream representation and a queer one – within the same context. An images' meaning also depends on your co-reading which bases on knowledge about how queer signs are used to look funky. I’m not really sure, whether the third picture must be read as the mentioned 'playboy-style' or as a quotation of heteronormativity or as a quotation of kinging. Considering this, we must discuss the question of whether or not there is a need for the distinction marks '‘queer image' and 'non-queer image' to enable a progressive potential in (queer) subcultural strategies.

If we understand queer as a critical term, camp and drag can express delight and joy as well as social and political intentions. In the example of the band 'tempeau', let us suppose male characters, who use queer strategies for their performance. The heteronormative males learned from drag and camp to take pleasure in a queer performance of their masculinity. Crossdressing does no longer mean awkwardness but 'hipness'. Here, the strategy as well as its political or social claim seems to be equal to the performers. I think they are more interested in an effect of temporary lifestyle, than in making a political statement. Their indefinite representation offers a plurality of addressing and projection. Thus, the effect of the employment of a queer code and its consumption is a confirmation of heteromasculinity and heteronormativity. From this point of view, the drag strategies have failed by reason of appropriation.

As I have argued, queer images and signs, which were stigmatized earlier, have now become part of the mainstream. Up to now, addressing otherness, as well as performing the unnaturalness of heteronormativity were applied as suitable strategies against the repression of normalisation and homophobia. Now we face the question, if visible queerness still can challenge the normalisation when queer signs no longer have an obvious political impact?

I think ambiguous irritation and producing of uncertainty - if mainstream and queer use the same signs for different meaning of communication - could be a very effective queer strategy. I don't comment the following pictures.

performance 'renee' 2005 Tatu 2006

In current queer discussions, strategies against normalisation and de-politisation of signs focus on counterpublic modes like the production of new alternative contexts, readings and meanings by explicit, faster queer appropriation and re-appropriation. Let me give you as an example Beatrice Preciados' term 'becoming invisible' as an act of becoming temporarily innoticeable in order to protect oneself against repression and embracement through neoliberal consumption. I rather hope she means by this that the 'invisible queer' tactical reappears - suddenly, surprisingly and incalculable – in order to experimental political acting. I hope she does not mean that queers' visibility should disappear alltogether. Queer visibility -- as a different way of being -- must take place in public as well as in spaces that are safe. With addressing 'otherness' it comes with the conscious risk of the temporary exclusion of the other in each case. The queer visibility I mean is not the visibility that supports a creative class.

In addition, the phenomenon of modifying subculture reminds us that we cannot criticise the embracement of queer signs by the mainstream without having a critical view on the effects of the concept of 'queer'. The absence of constant categories in queer does not only settle different significations which can be subversive - it can also settle a consumable flexibility that encourages demands of mainstream and normalisation. We have shown that queer can be a trouble-free part of the neoliberal plan as well as the aims of political economy – if this is what you like. If you do not like this, how must a queer performance look like when it is not incorporated by commodification?

additions & sources: /SubculturalModifier


/Questions

(copy and paste more questions here)

Questions for discussion (III)

Outlook Queer Politics could be understand as a concept of dissent not of consensus

Such dissent has to "become more precise, more reasoned, more explicit, if the new claim to equality is to have any effect on the existing divisions of the world." (...) "It is to engage in an unstable mimicry that seeks to prove its claim to equality on a public stage, while inventing new signs, new pathways through the world, new political subjectivities." (Brian Holmes)

We would like to introduce two efforts to express such a "dissent". We don't introduce these samples, to say that they are perfect oder successful, but to discuss with you how possible tactics and actions could be done to develop such ways of "unstable mimicry"

facsimile of an publication of a new "hot spot" of subculture in bremen. on the picture are traces of a past "tagging" the "hot spot" with words of sexual activities

picture of a performance by bremen group "kraß" during "kontrolle der räume" opposing the campaigns for gay marriage


Persons

Our Panel is prepared and held by:

Thomas Böker, Bremen, cultural activist, co-organizer of the cultural center »zakk«, member of »kraß« (a queer project) and »city.crime.control« (group working on urban issues, city developement and public space)

Ulf Treger, Hamburg, cultural producer, member of the projects »city.crime.control« and »offene kartierung« (working an mapping and perception of urban space), volunteer and co-founder of »q-tipp« (a local plattform on queer culture at hamburg)

Christiane Wehr, Hamburg, artist, queer filmer, student of philisophy and queer studies at the university of Hamburg, member of »offene kartierung«

Translation by Jacek Galkowski, Warszawa


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